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查莫斯·约翰逊(Chalmers Ashby Johnson),被称为日本发展模式概念之父,美国日本政策研究所所长,东亚问题专家。他认为日本政府实际上培育了产业的发展,而在西方经济中政府只是制定游戏的规则。约翰逊把这种发展方式归结为日本的产业结构发生了巨大的变化。在20世纪50年代的前半期和60年代的前半期之间,日本的纤维和纺织品的出口从30%下降到8%,而机械的出口从14%上升到39%。约翰逊认为在60年代和70年代早期的产出和劳动生产率的迅速增长单凭经济,制度和文化是不能解释的,并断言在某些经济战略产业中,政府的产业政策造成了投资率的差异。
查默斯·约翰逊教授先后在加州大学伯克利和圣地亚哥分校任教三十年,曾任这两所大学亚洲政治学领域的讲座教授,在伯克利还任中国研究中心主任和政治系主任。其新著《反弹三部曲》之第一部《反弹:美利坚帝国的代价与后果》(Blowback:The Costs and Consequences of American Empire,2000)和第二部《帝国的悲哀:军国主义、机密体制与共和国的终结》(The Sorrows of Empire:Militarism,Secrecy,and the End of the Republic,2004)已由纽约国际都市图书公司(Metropolitan Books)出版;
Chalmers Ashby Johnson (born 1931) is an American author and professor emeritus of the University of California, San Diego. He is also president and co-founder of the Japan Policy Research Institute, an organization promoting public education about Japan and Asia. He has written numerous books including, most recently, three examinations of the consequences of American Empire: Blowback (book), The Sorrows of Empire, and Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic.
Johnson was born in 1931 in Phoenix, Arizona. He earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Economics in 1953 and a Master's degree and a Doctor of Philosophy in political science in 1957 and 1961 respectively. All of his degrees were from the University of California, Berkeley. During the Korean War, Johnson served as a naval officer in Japan. He taught political science at the University of California from 1962 until he retired from teaching in 1992. He was best known early in his career for scholarship about China and Japan.
Johnson set the agenda for ten or fifteen years in social science scholarship on China with his book on peasant nationalism. His book MITI and the Japanese Miracle, on the Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry was the preeminent study of the country's development and created the bustling subfield of what could be called the political economy of development. He coined the term "developmental state." As a public intellectual, he first led the "Japan revisionists" who critiqued American neoliberalism with Japan as a model, but also attacked Japan for protectionism. During this period, Johnson acted as a consultant for the Office of National Estimates, part of the Central Intelligence Agency, contributing to analysis of China and Maoism.
Johnson was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1976. He served as Director of the Center for Chinese Studies and Chair of the Political Science Department at Berkeley, and held a number of important academic posts in area studies. He was a strong believer in the importance of language and historical training for doing serious research. Late in his career he became well known as a critic of "rational choice" approaches, particularly in the study of Japanese politics and political economy.
Johnson is today best known as a sharp critic of American imperialism. His book Blowback won a prize in 2001 from the Before Columbus Foundation, and was re-issued in an updated version in 2004. Sorrows of Empire, published in 2004, updated the evidence and argument from Blowback for the post-9/11 environment and Nemesis concludes the trilogy. Johnson was featured in the Eugene Jarecki-directed film Why We Fight (2005 film), which won the 2005 Grand Jury Prize at the Sundance Film Festival. In the past, Johnson has also written for the Los Angeles Times, the London Review of Books, Harper’s Magazine, and The Nation
Johnson believes the enforcement of American hegemony over the world constitutes a new form of global empire. Whereas traditional empires maintained control over subject peoples via colony, since World War II the United States has developed a vast system of hundreds of military bases around the world where it has strategic interests. A long-time Cold Warrior, Johnson experienced a political awakening after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, noting that instead of demobilizing its armed forces, the US accelerated its reliance on military solutions to problems both economic and political. The result of this militarism (as distinct from actual domestic defense) is more terrorism against the US and its allies, the loss of core democratic values at home, and an eventual disaster for the American economy.